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Old Feb 21st, 2015, 04:49 AM   #1
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The Italian-Americans: Journey From Immigrants to BECOMING Americans

This will be of a benefit to non American posters who do not understand the diversity of the USA and often object to hyphenated Americans without proper context.


One thing most them miss is that a lot Americans who are considered white today, were NOT early in their journey in their new country.

They had to go thru a process of whitization before they were accepted.

Some change their name or pronunciation and spelling to sound more anglo


Interesting , like any people who are oppressed and mistreated, degraded, discriminated against, the Italian Americans were rioting, were anarchists, anti-establishment.



Because of rampant discrimination, they also came to believe they had no chance to succeed and did not see illegal activities to support their families as dishonorable. They felt left with no opportunity to get hired in legitimate job, they had to do whatever they could to support their families.


A quota was put on Italian immigrants because the good "white" majority saw them as mentally deficient and deviant and could not fit in normal civilized society.


Some Italian Americans were wrongly convicted for crime they did not commit.

The series is currently on going, therefore no extended excerpts have been posted on youtube yet.



================================================== ======



New PBS documentary 'The Italian Americans' explores a century-plus of history















New Orleans history has a brief but important chapter in "The Italian Americans," a new documentary miniseries debuting with back-to-back episodes at 8 p.m. Thursday (Feb. 19) on WYES. It's the 1890 murder of Police Chief David Hennessy and the subsequent lynching of 11 of the Sicilian men charged with the crime, more than half of whom had been tried and acquitted.



The Hennessy murder remains unsolved. The suspects' acquittal sparked a mob of thousands to storm the parish prison and take justice into their own hands. National newspaper coverage of the scandalous episode popularized the term "Mafia" for the first time.



The sequence comes at about the 14-minute mark of the miniseries' opening episode.



Filmmaker John Maggio had not heard of the Hennessy story before he began researching the film, and learned from Anthony Margavio, a University of New Orleans professor emeritus who was among the historians interviewed for the film, that its local legacy extended well into the 20th century.



"He remembers growing up with that being a taunt on the playground," Maggio said at the Winter TV Tour in Hollywood. "They'd run up to Italian kids on the playground and ask, 'Who killed-a the chief?' That to me seemed like a perfect entryway to a New Orleans story.



"One of the reasons I wanted to go to New Orleans, even before I learned the lynching story, was that I wanted to be sure that the film was balanced, that it wasn't just another New York-Little Italy story, that we covered the range (of experiences).



"A lot of people were surprised that we up on the East Coast in up in the North didn't know about the lynching story. It still seemed to be alive in New Orleans, which I thought was very interesting







On his reporting trip to the city, Maggio also spent two full days filming St. Joseph's Day altar preparations. It was to be among several sequences in the film set in the present.



"I wanted the film to feel vital and alive, not just a typical historical film," he said.



Seeing the St. Joseph altar rite "blew me away," Maggio said. "I grew up in Buffalo, where we had a tradition of St. Joseph's Day, but we didn't let anybody into our house. In New Orleans, they open up their houses. They're not well-to-do people, and they build these elaborate altars just filled with food and bread. It's a really lovely, lovely experience.



"One guy, just an ordinary guy, broke down and started praying in Sicilian, still with this (local) accent. It was like being in a different universe, and it was something I had no idea about until I went to New Orleans for this film."



Unfortunately, the sequence didn't make the final cut.



"For whatever reason, when it got squished down to four hours, I couldn't quite fit in the St. Joseph table preparation," Maggio said. "I was blown away to go down there and see the traditions that still go on





The film wraps the century-plus history of Italian immigration to America around explorations of the stereotyping and setbacks that accompanied the newcomers' American experience. Scenes from "The Godfather" are incorporated in the storytelling. "Jersey Shore" is referenced.



At one point, narrator Stanley Tucci observes, "Italian-American identity has largely become a product of popular culture."



"I really hope that this film resonates with other immigrant groups -- Irish, Jews, anybody," Maggio said. "Being cut off from our history and backfilling with media images and representations of who we are has been a problem. I wanted to fix that a little bit, offer a corrective."







source: http://www.nola.com/tv/index.ssf/201...ey_role_i.html
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Old Feb 21st, 2015, 05:10 AM   #2
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Re: The Italian-American: Journey From Immigrants to BECOMING Americans

Italian-Americans dominant political leaning where they were on the outside
================================================== ===============
Lost and Found: The Italian-American Radical Experience



Philip V. Cannistraro and Gerald Meyer, eds., The Lost World of Italian-American Radicalism: Politics, Labor, and Culture (Westport, Connecticut: Praeger, 2003), 346 pages, cloth $79.95, paper $29.95.

When, almost ten years ago, I came from Italy to study in New York I was shocked by the discrepancy between Italian-American and Italian politics. To my amazement, I discovered that the left, which has always played, and still plays, an important role in Italian politics, occupies a marginal, if not nonexistent, place in Italian-American political culture. Even worse, I learned that Italian Americans are perceived as a basically conservative group, whose only ties to Italy appear to be the Mafia and food. How did Italian Americans end up identifying themselves, and being identified, with such conservative values and reactionary political forces? Why did their political consciousness diverge so markedly from their Italian counterparts?


The Lost World of Italian American Radicalism, a collection of articles edited by Philip Cannistraro and Gerald Meyer, helps provide an explanation to these questions. The book shows that, despite their present conservative image, Italian Americans have a vibrant and rich radical past. Italian immigrants, for example, played a central role in the working-class struggle of the early twentieth century, providing both leadership and mass militancy in major strikes across the country—notably the Lawrence textile strikes of 1912 and 1919, the Paterson silk strike of 1913, the Mesabi Iron Range strikes of 1907 and 1916, and the New York City Harbor strikes of 1907 and 1919, as well as coal mining strikes. They also made important contributions to American labor unions, especially the revolutionary Industrial Workers of the World, the International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union, and the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. At the same time, they were able to build vibrant radical communities wherever Italian immigrants settled that replicated the traditions, cultures, and institutions of the old country. They formed, for example, their own political and social clubs, mutual aid societies, alternative libraries and press, as well as their own orchestras and theaters, designed to promote and sustain a radical subculture that was in stark opposition to both the hegemonic culture sustained by prominenti (the powerful men of the Little Italies) and the individualistic culture of capitalist America. Yet, this radical world has been almost completely forgotten, perhaps deliberately suppressed from both American and Italian-American memory.


Consider for example the introduction’s opening story of Cammella Teoli. At thirteen, Cammella was the victim of a terrible working accident: she was completely scalped when her hair became stuck in the machine she was operating. Outraged, she agreed, despite her young age and her scant knowledge of English, to testify before Congress against the terrible working conditions of American factories. It was 1912—the year of great working-class struggles and socialist dreams—and the brave testimony of the young Teoli provoked quite a stir: national newspapers published her tragic story and she became almost overnight a sort of celebrity. Yet, Cammella’s family knew nothing of her heroic past. They learned about it only a few years ago when Paul Cowan, a journalist for the Village Voice who was writing an article commemorating the Lawrence Strike of 1912, tracked down one of Cammella’s daughters in the hope of interviewing her and finding out more information about her mother. Cowan was, to say the least, stunned when he discovered that she had never heard of the accident or the testimony.


As surprising as it is, Teoli’s decision to keep her political activism away from her children was not atypical: for most Italian Americans the radical past of their families still remains impenetrable—buried by their own parents’ and grandparents’ fears of ethnic discrimination and political persecution. Philip Cannistraro, for example, discovered that his grandfather, who in old age seemed a conservative, had attended Communist meetings and participated in anti-Fascist initiatives in the 1940s, thanks to the research of two colleagues who found the letters and contributions of his grandfather to the Communist newspaper L’Unità del Popolo.


With this anthology, Cannistraro and Meyer have sought to break the many silences, like that of Cammella Teoli, that have distorted the history and identity of Italian Americans. The editors themselves have long been committed to recover, and uncover, the lost stories of Italian-American radicalism. Philip Cannistraro, who passed away on May 28, 2005, was a major figure in Italian-American studies and modern Italy, contributing numerous books and articles, especially on fascism and antifascism. Gerald Meyer has also significantly enriched the field of Italian-American radicalism with a biography of radical Congressman Vito Marcantonio and articles on Italian-American communism and labor.


Organized into three sections—“Labor,” “Politics,” and “Culture”—the book brings together sixteen essays, selected from the more than sixty papers presented at a groundbreaking conference sponsored by the John D. Calandra Italian American Institute of Queens College in 1997. Along with the pioneering research of veteran scholars of Italian immigrant radical history and culture (such as Rudolph Vecoli, Nunzio Pernicone, Calvin Winslow, Paul Avrich, Donna Gabaccia, Salvatore Salerno, Gary Mormino, George Pozzetta, Paola Sensi-Isolani, and Fred Gardaphè), the book introduces original contributions by younger historians (Jennifer Guglielmo and Charles Zappia) and new interpretative studies on the literary work of Italian-American women (by Mary Jo Bona, Julia Lisella, and Edvige Giunta) and the involvement of Italian Americans in the civil rights and student movements of the 1960s (Gil Fagiani and Jackie DiSalvo).


Providing a general background to the other pieces, a fifty-page introduction by the editors traces the history of the Italian-American radical movement, from the formation of the first anarchist and socialist groups at the beginning of the twentieth century to the eventual decline after the Second World War. Much of the information contained here is not new; yet this is the first attempt to bring together the different components of the Italian-American left and offer a synthesis of the radical experience as a whole, in all its multifaceted aspects. The authors justly emphasize not only the political but also the cultural importance of Italian-American radicalism. Besides political initiatives aiming at promoting class consciousness, great attention and energy were given to cultural activities for educational, associational, and recreational purposes, such as lectures, picnics, plays, and dances. Perhaps the best example of such a cultural vitality was the radical press, with nearly 200 newspapers—a number that qualifies Italian immigrant radicals in the United States as the third most prolific ethnic group after the Germans and the Jews.


The importance of this radical culture is depicted with particular force in the essay by Mormino and Pozzetta on the radical community of Ybor City (Florida), where Italians, Cubans, and Spaniards, who worked in the cigar industry, were able to overcome ethnic barriers and create a “Latin” culture based on common values such as working-class solidarity, internationalism, and anticlericalism. Here, as well as in other American cities, Italian immigrants created socialist circles, anarchist groups, labor unions, and later on, sections of the Communist Party. At the same time, they formed educational and recreational circles, Università Popolari (People’s Universities) with librerie rosse (red bookstores), as well as dramatic societies and orchestras, which helped sustain and promote revolutionary ideas while also entertaining the immigrants.


This radical movement included anarchist and socialist émigrés, immigrants—both educated and self-taught, who often were radicalized in America—and, starting with Mussolini’s rise to power in 1922, anti-Fascist refugees. Contrary to the belief that the radical leadership came from the northern cities of Italy, The Lost World reveals that the most important figures among the sovversivi (as Italian radicals were collectively called), as well as the largest numbers of their adherents, were children of the south. It should also be noted, that while the movement was male dominated, women were not completely absent, as has been traditionally assumed. Gugliemo, for example, argues that Italian immigrant women played an important role in the anarchist groups of Paterson, New Jersey, as well as in the Italian garment and needle-trades labor unions.


As the articles in “Politics” suggest, one of the distinguishing aspects, as well as one of the main limits, of the Italian-American left was its enormous political diversity and fragmentation. Rivalries and jealousies occurred not only among anarchists, socialists, and communists, but also within each group, as in the case noted by Pernicone between the organizational and the anti-organizational anarchists led respectively by Carlo Tresca and Luigi Galleani, two of the most influential personalities of Italian-American radicalism.


Considering the wide spectrum and vibrancy of the Italian-American radical experience, how do we account for the loss of this heritage? Of course, there is no single explanation. Along with the rest of the American left, Italian-American radicalism was seriously crippled by the Red Scare of 1917–20, which successfully dismantled radical organizations and arrested and deported many of their top leaders. Among those caught up in the infamous Palmer Raids were the anarchists Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti, arrested in 1920 under charges of robbery and murder of a paymaster and his guard at a small shoe factory in South Braintree, Massachusetts (see Paul Avrich’s article). Although the evidence presented at the trial against them was contradictory and inconclusive, they were sentenced to death. The case rapidly won the attention of national and international radicals, labor organizations, and famous intellectuals who became convinced that their conviction was due more to prejudices against their foreign birth and radical beliefs, than to solid evidence of criminal guilt. As Vanzetti proclaimed in a passionate and moving outburst before the court: “I am suffering because I am a radical, and indeed I am a radical; I have suffered because I was an Italian, and indeed I am an Italian” (1).


The execution of Sacco and Vanzetti had an extremely demoralizing effect on Italian Americans, driving many to bury aspects of their radical past for fear of political persecution. Another powerful wound inflicted on Italian-American radicalism was what Vecoli called the “Fascistization” of the Little Italies, fomented by the prominenti and the clergy through a massive chauvinistic campaign. This propaganda helped fuel nationalist sentiments, which in turn undermined the internationalism of the early period and insinuated racial and ethnic prejudices into the minds of many Italian Americans. Interestingly, however, Italian immigrants in other parts of the world did not embrace Fascism. As Cannistraro, as well as John P. Diggins in his Mussolini and Fascism, have long argued, it was the peculiar conditions of Italians in the United States—particularly the persistent prejudices and discrimination they encountered—that made them vulnerable to Fascism.



The Cold War, and its attendant political repression culminating in the infamous execution of Ethel and Julius Rosenberg in 1953, completed the purge of radicalism from the Italian-American communities and American society at large. Many Italian-American radicals, like anarchist Armando Borghi or Communist Michele Salerno, were deported. Carl Marzani, an important but neglected figure of the Italian-American left (briefly discussed in the essays by Meyer and Gardaphè), was arrested in 1947 and sentenced to thirty-two months in jail as a former Communist, becoming in his own words “the first victim of McCarthyism” (217). In prison Marzani wrote the first revisionist account of the Cold War, We Can Be Friends: The Origins of the Cold War, which was published in 1952 with a foreword by W. E. B. Du Bois. In the postwar period he produced a steady stream of writing, including a novel, a five-volume memoir, and the first American translation of the writings of Antonio Gramsci.


Like the Sacco and Vanzetti case in the 1920s, the Red Scare of the 1950s, reinforced by the Truman Doctrine and its patriotic rhetoric, further distanced Italian Americans from their radical past, as assimilation translated more and more into anti-radicalism. Ultimately, as Gabaccia puts it: “Radicals in the United States, try as they may, could not simultaneously be good leftists and good Americans” (321).


Although political radicalism among Italian Americans may have disappeared after the Second World War (a loss by no means pertaining only to Italian Americans), a radical tradition seems to have survived in the individual struggles of some exceptional figures. This is the case, as DiSalvo argues, of Father James Groppi, the civil rights leader from Milwaukee, who fused his Christian faith with a leftist commitment to social justice and equality. Another significant example is that of Mario Savio, a principal figure of the New Left and the Free Speech movement of the 1960s, presented by Fagiani, who was expelled by the university and sentenced to four months of prison for his political activism.


But, above all, an Italian-American radical tradition transpires today in the work of contemporary writers who have explored new “radical” themes such as generational conflict, gender oppression, and sexuality. As Gabaccia suggests in the conclusion, one perhaps should talk about a transformation, or Americanization, of Italian-American radicalism rather than its irreversible demise. One can notice a shift from a radicalism “made-in-Italy” that was intended mostly as a collective political struggle aimed at a fundamental social and economic transformation of capitalism, to a radicalism defined by racial, gender, and ethnic identity, connected to personal transformation, consciousness, or what scholars call identity politics.


Both traditions have much to offer: in a time in which consumerism, individualism, fundamentalism, and conservatism dominate Italian-American—and American—culture, the anticapitalist politics of the sovversivi and the personal politics of the new radicals can cast new light on the current struggle for social change. Indeed some of the issues we confront today—unorganized labor, economic exploitation, increasing social inequality, class, ethnic, and racial oppression—are remarkably similar to the dilemmas of the early twentieth century. A recovery of the lost world of Italian-American radicalism means much more than correcting the distortions and omissions of earlier historiography: it represents a challenge to the dominant neoliberal politics of our times and a vindication of ethnicity against the coercive efforts of American society to strip immigrants of their own identity.




source: http://monthlyreview.org/2006/01/01/...al-experience/
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Old Feb 21st, 2015, 07:41 AM   #3
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Re: The Italian-Americans: Journey From Immigrants to BECOMING Americans

There's a Northern League in Italy for a reason. Italian immigration to America largely consisted of southern Italians.
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Old Feb 21st, 2015, 02:59 PM   #4
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Re: The Italian-Americans: Journey From Immigrants to BECOMING Americans

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Originally Posted by tennisbum79 View Post
often object to hyphenated Americans without proper conetx.
I too think the hyphenated thing does more harm than good. Sure I know the history and why the terminology took hold that but to keep it going just helps keep people ghettoized. It's an interesting thing about societies - people will oppose some term, identifier or perspective realizing that it isn't beneficial then decades later the descendants of those people will glom onto those terms as if they're an integral part of who they are.
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Old Feb 21st, 2015, 04:26 PM   #5
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There's a Northern League in Italy for a reason. Italian immigration to America largely consisted of southern Italians.

How is that related to Italian Americans journey in the US?


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Old Feb 21st, 2015, 04:44 PM   #6
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The Italian-Americans: Journey From Immigrants to BECOMING Americans

Quote:
Originally Posted by pov View Post
I too think the hyphenated thing does more harm than good. Sure I know the history and why the terminology took hold that but to keep it going just helps keep people ghettoized. It's an interesting thing about societies - people will oppose some term, identifier or perspective realizing that it isn't beneficial then decades later the descendants of those people will glom onto those terms as if they're an integral part of who they are.

I disagree. You can't look at the pride of a US Supreme Court Justice , an otherwise confident and cocky man , and deny the effect his nomination had on all Italian American.
What I don't understand in reaction like yours is the notion that people who were one discriminated for who they are , are somehow doing damage to themselves when they express pride in their achievements and embrace who they are.

When Scalia mentioned how association of Italian Americans with mafia had bothered him for years, and his nomination helped show another face of Italian Americans, how can you argue with that?

I believe Italian Americans when they say their ethnicity is integral part of who they are
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Old Feb 21st, 2015, 04:55 PM   #7
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BTW, there are similar docu series about Jews, Irish and Greek.


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Old Feb 21st, 2015, 05:02 PM   #8
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Re: The Italian-Americans: Journey From Immigrants to BECOMING Americans

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Originally Posted by tennisbum79 View Post
I disagree. You can't look at the pride of a US Supreme Court Justice , an otherwise confident and cocky man , and deny the effect his nomination had on all Italian American.
What I don't understand in reaction like yours is the notion that people who were one discriminated for who they are , are somehow doing damage to themselves when they express pride in their achievements and embrace who they are.

When Scalia mentioned how association of Italian Americans with mafia had bothered him for years, and his nomination helped show another face of Italian Americans, how can you argue with that?

I believe Italian Americans when they say their ethnicity is integral part of who they are
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Nothing you state here has much to do with what I posted.

- Of course in the current situation where many people cling strongly to their hyphenated identity, the seeing the positive side of that identity is a thumbs up. That doesn't mean that such identification is the best thing for a society overall.

- Of course people who so identify see it as an integral part of who they are. That's what I stated. People do that about many things - heritage, nationality, gender . wait . I was incorrect . .people do that about almost everything. But thinking something is integral doesn't make it so. There are many people of Italian descent who see themselves as American. Period.
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Old Feb 21st, 2015, 05:02 PM   #9
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Re: The Italian-Americans: Journey From Immigrants to BECOMING Americans

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How is that related to Italian Americans journey in the US?


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Put it this way. Looking down on southern Italians is not an American phenomena.
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Old Feb 21st, 2015, 08:48 PM   #10
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Re: The Italian-Americans: Journey From Immigrants to BECOMING Americans

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Put it this way. Looking down on southern Italians is not an American phenomena.
I hope you are not saying most of the Italian immigrants come from Southern Italy where they were already looked down on, it understandable it was done to them in the US as well.
It is not supposed to be that way.

Yes, it was done to others ethnic groups, but that does not make it right.


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Old Feb 22nd, 2015, 12:07 AM   #11
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Re: The Italian-Americans: Journey From Immigrants to BECOMING Americans

Italian-American Civil Rights League

In the spring of 1970, Joseph Colombo Sr. created the Italian-American Civil Rights League. On April 23, 1970, Joseph Colombo Jr. was arrested on extortion charges. In response, Joseph Colombo Sr. claimed FBI harassment and sent pickets to the east side offices of the agency. Colombo's actions generated a massive response from many Italian-Americans who felt demeaned by the federal government and the entertainment industry. Colombo then formed the League to serve as their action group. On June 29, 1970, 150,000 people showed up in Columbus Circle in New York City for an "Italian-American Unity Day" rally. The participants included five U.S. Congressmen and several prominent entertainers.

Under Colombo's guidance, the League grew quickly and achieved national attention. Unlike other mob leaders who shunned the spotlight, Colombo appeared on television interviews, fundraisers, and speaking engagements for the League. In 1971, Colombo aligned the League with Rabbi and political activist Meir Kahane's Jewish Defense League (JDL), claiming that both groups were being harassed by the federal government. At one point, Colombo posted bail for 11 jailed JDL members.

In the spring of 1971, Paramount Pictures started filming "The Godfather" with the assistance of Colombo and the League. Due to its subject matter, the film originally faced great opposition from Italian-Americans to filming in New York. However, after producer Albert Ruddy met with Colombo and agreed to excise the terms "Mafia" and "Cosa Nostra" from the film, the League cooperated fully.

In early 1971, Joey Gallo was released from prison. As a supposedly conciliatory gesture, Colombo invited Gallo to a peace meeting with an offering of $1,000. Gallo refused the invitation, said he had never agreed to peace between the two factions, and said that he wanted $100,000 to stop the conflict. At that point, acting boss Vincenzo Aloi issued a new order to kill Gallo.

On March 11, 1971, after being convicted of perjury for lying on his application to become a real estate broker, Colombo was sentenced to two and half years in state prison. The sentence, however, was delayed pending an appeal.

On June 28, 1971, Colombo was shot and seriously wounded at the second Italian Unity Day rally. As Colombo was approaching the podium to address the crowd, Jerome Johnson, an African American street hustler, approached Colombo. Wearing press credentials from the league and disguised as a photojournalist, Johnson fired three shots from an automatic pistol into Colombo's head and neck. Colombo's son and several others wrestled Johnson to the ground. At that point, a second man stepped out of the crowd and shot Johnson dead. The second assailant then escaped without being identified. The crowd quickly dispersed, although some made a feeble attempt to continue the festival.

Full entry: http://mafia.wikia.com/wiki/Joseph_Colombo

[Gallo was blamed by the Colombo's and whacked within a year; though to this day many ppl think that "boss of all bosses" Carlo Gambino did, because the Italian-American Civil Rights League was pissing off the Feds, who thus put more heat on the other Mafia families too.]
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Old Feb 22nd, 2015, 02:38 AM   #12
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Re: The Italian-Americans: Journey From Immigrants to BECOMING Americans

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Originally Posted by *JR* View Post
Italian-American Civil Rights League

In the spring of 1970, Joseph Colombo Sr. created the Italian-American Civil Rights League. On April 23, 1970, Joseph Colombo Jr. was arrested on extortion charges. In response, Joseph Colombo Sr. claimed FBI harassment and sent pickets to the east side offices of the agency. Colombo's actions generated a massive response from many Italian-Americans who felt demeaned by the federal government and the entertainment industry. Colombo then formed the League to serve as their action group. On June 29, 1970, 150,000 people showed up in Columbus Circle in New York City for an "Italian-American Unity Day" rally. The participants included five U.S. Congressmen and several prominent entertainers.

Under Colombo's guidance, the League grew quickly and achieved national attention. Unlike other mob leaders who shunned the spotlight, Colombo appeared on television interviews, fundraisers, and speaking engagements for the League. In 1971, Colombo aligned the League with Rabbi and political activist Meir Kahane's Jewish Defense League (JDL), claiming that both groups were being harassed by the federal government. At one point, Colombo posted bail for 11 jailed JDL members.

In the spring of 1971, Paramount Pictures started filming "The Godfather" with the assistance of Colombo and the League. Due to its subject matter, the film originally faced great opposition from Italian-Americans to filming in New York. However, after producer Albert Ruddy met with Colombo and agreed to excise the terms "Mafia" and "Cosa Nostra" from the film, the League cooperated fully.

In early 1971, Joey Gallo was released from prison. As a supposedly conciliatory gesture, Colombo invited Gallo to a peace meeting with an offering of $1,000. Gallo refused the invitation, said he had never agreed to peace between the two factions, and said that he wanted $100,000 to stop the conflict. At that point, acting boss Vincenzo Aloi issued a new order to kill Gallo.

On March 11, 1971, after being convicted of perjury for lying on his application to become a real estate broker, Colombo was sentenced to two and half years in state prison. The sentence, however, was delayed pending an appeal.

On June 28, 1971, Colombo was shot and seriously wounded at the second Italian Unity Day rally. As Colombo was approaching the podium to address the crowd, Jerome Johnson, an African American street hustler, approached Colombo. Wearing press credentials from the league and disguised as a photojournalist, Johnson fired three shots from an automatic pistol into Colombo's head and neck. Colombo's son and several others wrestled Johnson to the ground. At that point, a second man stepped out of the crowd and shot Johnson dead. The second assailant then escaped without being identified. The crowd quickly dispersed, although some made a feeble attempt to continue the festival.

Full entry: http://mafia.wikia.com/wiki/Joseph_Colombo

[Gallo was blamed by the Colombo's and whacked within a year; though to this day many ppl think that "boss of all bosses" Carlo Gambino did, because the Italian-American Civil Rights League was pissing off the Feds, who thus put more heat on the other Mafia families too.]
I am not why you posted, perhaps, you wanted to represent the full picture of Italian-American in the US.

But let me give you my take why I think Italian-Americans rally around shady character like mobsters.
My explanation is, if as a group, you have been victim of discrimination and prosecuted unjustifiably in the past, you develop a high level of healthy skepticism toward law enforcement and the judicial system.

I mean the case of Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti has had a pretty lasting and indelible impact on Italian-Americans.
They were convicted during the Italian American were seen as outsiders, not white.
Unsurprisingly, a great deal of Italian-Americans, including Sacco and Vanzetti, were quite active in the anarchist movement, and their conviction was thought to be influenced by prejudice against Italian-Americans.
There were protests all over the world denouncing their conviction.
Tokyo, Sydney, São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Buenos Aires, and even apartheid South Africa Johannesburg.


If an arrogant, self-assured and cocky guy like Justice Antonin Scalia openly says being bothered by the image of Italian as mobsters, how do you think that affect an ordinary Italian?

This journey also shows despite what many now fully integrated White Americans might think today, if they bother to look hard in their past when they first immigrated in the US, they were also seen as outsiders, mentally too deficient to be integrated and functional in a modern industrial society.

Unfortunately, when they became "fully white and accepted", they joined the majority to do to other newcomers what was once done to them.
That is the tragedy .
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Last edited by tennisbum79 : Feb 22nd, 2015 at 07:52 AM.
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Old Feb 22nd, 2015, 07:52 AM   #13
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Re: The Italian-Americans: Journey From Immigrants to BECOMING Americans

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Originally Posted by pov View Post
Nothing you state here has much to do with what I posted.

- Of course in the current situation where many people cling strongly to their hyphenated identity, the seeing the positive side of that identity is a thumbs up. That doesn't mean that such identification is the best thing for a society overall..
Actually, it have everything to do with it.
You contention that the use hyphenate American does more harm than good is not supported by any empirical evidence.

Yes it is true that Americans who have been accepted like to point out to new immigrants that the use of hyphenated American show divided loyalty.
The trouble with that is they, themselves have not dropped the term.
We still have Italian-Americans and Italian restaurants where the menu is written in Italian.
We still Irish-Americans, Jewish-Americans, etc...
Like the Italian-Americans, many of ethnic would tell the tradition and culture from their country of origin have sustained them in their new country.


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Originally Posted by pov View Post
- Of course people who so identify see it as an integral part of who they are. That's what I stated. People do that about many things - heritage, nationality, gender . wait . I was incorrect . .people do that about almost everything. But thinking something is integral doesn't make it so. There are many people of Italian descent who see themselves as American. Period.
I believe the Italian-Americans in the documentary because they have more credibility on this issue than you do.
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